The report follows earlier statements made by U.S. President Donald Trump on Saturday evening confirming the death of Khamenei.

President Trump asserted that the operation was executed following meticulous intelligence tracking and was conducted in "close coordination with Israel."

Trump further indicated that Khamenei and other senior officials "could not escape accountability" for their actions.

The campaign, reportedly orchestrated by Abu Fatima—who serves as the security file manager for the so-called Community Police led by Ali Hussein al-Houthi—has encompassed numerous officers within the "Preventive Security" structure, as well as personnel in the militia-controlled Security and Intelligence services. Furthermore, sources indicate that intense security surveillance has been imposed on security supervisors, with several placed under effective house arrest.

According to the disclosures, Abu Fatima acts as the executive arm for Ali Hussein al-Houthi in neutralizing internal rivals within the security establishment. This operation is framed as a strategic effort to consolidate control over critical security decision-making centers and sideline competing leadership factions.

These developments unfold against a backdrop of intensifying fractures and acute disagreements among the militia's top echelon. The friction stems from the expanding influence of Ali Hussein al-Houthi and his direct encroachment upon the duties and prerogatives of established military and security commanders, which has exacerbated tension and division throughout the group's subordinate agencies.

The arrests and subsequent security restrictions underscore a rapidly escalating struggle for dominance within the Houthi leadership, signaling potential for further instability and fragmentation within the organization's command structure moving forward.

Photographs and videos circulating on social media depict women and children gathered near a charitable kitchen in Ibb. Local residents confirm that aid is often limited to small portions or bags of bread and rice, insufficient to meet the needs of families who have lost their primary sources of income.

These distressing scenes emerge while the payment of salaries to hundreds of thousands of public sector employees in Houthi-controlled areas remains halted, a situation persisting since late 2016 after the internationally recognized government relocated the Central Bank headquarters to Aden.

Since the salary suspension, civil servants and activists accuse the militia of diverting public revenues—including taxes, customs duties, and state enterprise income—to finance its military efforts, sectarian activities, and administrative networks, rather than settling outstanding payrolls.

Reports from the United Nations Panel of Experts on Yemen indicate systematic diversion of public revenues and the imposition of additional levies under various pretexts, such as Zakat and "voluntary" contributions, all while essential services deteriorate and poverty expands.

According to the United Nations, approximately 19.5 million people across Yemen require humanitarian aid and protection. Furthermore, the latest analysis from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification system shows that over 17 to 18 million Yemenis face acute levels of food insecurity, with millions more teetering on the brink of famine without urgent assistance.

In December, local residents in the de facto capital, Sana'a, reported the emergence of a phenomenon where vendors circulated through neighborhoods using loudspeakers to buy "dry bread" or residue flour from homes. Economists suggest this trend reflects an unprecedented erosion of purchasing power, forcing some families to rehydrate dried bread with water simply to secure a subsistence meal.

Experts link the expansion of hunger to the collapse of the local currency, soaring food prices, and the decline in humanitarian funding over the past two years. They emphasize that the absence of fundamental solutions to the salary crisis and persistent restrictions on economic activity in Houthi-held territories have increased the population's reliance on charitable initiatives, particularly during religious seasons.

While the Yemeni government and Houthi militias trade accusations regarding responsibility for the economic crisis, millions of civilians in the north remain trapped between lost income and dwindling international aid, amidst UN warnings that the current trajectory could push more families into famine within what remains one of the world's most severe humanitarian emergencies.

The operation was reportedly carried out by security and intelligence elements affiliated with the Houthi militia. Brigadier General Al-Balili is identified as the former Director of Transport at the Yemeni Economic Corporation.

Eyewitness accounts indicated that the abduction involved a significant security deployment. The operation utilized five armored vehicles, seven security trucks, and four buses transporting female elements from the Zaynabiyat battalions.

Houthi operatives reportedly surrounded and forcibly entered Al-Balili’s home, located behind Al-Mawaddah Hospital on Al-Mahrooqat Street, before forcibly moving him to an undisclosed location.

Navigational sources informed the Khabar news agency that the Houthi group denied entry to Yemeni Airways flight number IYE529 after it reached Yemeni airspace, forcing an immediate diversion.

The aircraft was compelled to alter its course due to the sudden prohibition and refusal to grant landing clearance, resulting in the plane circling overhead amid widespread discontent among the passengers aboard.

This incident is notable as Mokha International Airport had witnessed its inaugural flight earlier that same morning, with an aircraft departing for Jeddah. However, the return journey was explicitly barred from landing by the Houthi authorities based in Sana'a.

Sources familiar with the matter reported that the armed personnel subsequently removed the looted materials from the premises and transferred them to an undisclosed location that evening. This incident is described as part of a pattern of organized raids and confiscations targeting the offices of several UN organizations operating in Sana'a and other areas under Houthi control.

These actions coincide with a period of apparent disruption within the Iran-backed militia, following decisions by several UN bodies in recent months to gradually withdraw or reduce their operations in Houthi-controlled territories. These retractions stem from what the organizations describe as arbitrary measures against their staff, imposition of restrictions, and interference with program implementation mechanisms, which have reportedly skewed humanitarian operations, according to field sources. The organizations involved have maintained silence regarding further specifics.

The raid on the UNDP office occurred just one day after the World Food Programme (WFP) notified its staff in Sana'a and other militia-controlled areas of its decision to completely halt all operations there, effective March 31, 2026. This cessation of operations includes the termination of contracts for approximately 360 Yemeni employees.

Previous reports from UN sources indicated that the Houthi militia has abducted dozens of staff members working for various UN agencies and organizations in recent periods. A source within the WFP confirmed that the militia continues to detain approximately 38 local staff members affiliated with the program for several months. United Nations data suggests that the total number of detained personnel across various agencies stands at around 73, prompting repeated demands for their immediate and unconditional release.

Local sources identified the deceased student as Mohammed Adel Abdo Humaid Al-Shabati, the son of the director of Abdullah bin Masoud School in the Jabal Bahri – Al-Ashbout sub-district. He reportedly succumbed to a gunshot wound inflicted by a weapon belonging to one of his peers during what was described as the "final display" of the course conducted within the school premises.

The sources further clarified that the incident transpired amid the execution of a mobilization program recently mandated by the group. Days prior, the militia had circulated directives to secondary schools and public and private universities across Ibb Governorate, compelling student participation in the so-called "Al-Aqsa Flood Courses – Phase Two," which incorporate military-style training and activities.

This tragic event is part of a pattern of previous occurrences reported in areas under Houthi control, where several students have perished in similar accidents during the execution of military-themed training within schools in past years. This pattern continues to fuel mounting concerns regarding the militarization of the educational process and the direct exposure of students to grave risks within the school environment.

The sources indicated that Al-Masoudi was among dozens of citizens abducted by the militia from the Hanakat Al Masoud area in the Al Qurayshiyah district of Al Bayda governorate. This abduction occurred during extensive security campaigns recently conducted across the region.

According to reports, the deceased endured harsh detention conditions and mistreatment while incarcerated, which severely impacted his psychological and physical health. This situation persisted due to the complete absence of necessary medical care, ultimately leading to his death within the facility.

Last week, the Monitoring Center for Rights and Development had reported that the young man, Issa Mohammed Ali Kaila Al-Masoudi (19 years old), one of the detainees from Hanakat Al Masoud village in Al Bayda, was transferred to intensive care days prior due to a critical decline in his health within the prison, emphasizing that his condition remained precarious.

This incident aligns with a growing pattern documented in human rights reports detailing severe abuses within Houthi militia prisons, specifically citing medical neglect and mistreatment. These events renew persistent demands for independent investigations and accountability for officials responsible for such violations.

Major General Turki Al-Maliki, the official spokesman for the Coalition forces, stated in a press release issued by the media center of the Joint Forces Command that this cowardly criminal act violates all humanitarian and ethical values. He confirmed that the attack resulted in the martyrdom of several personnel and injuries among Brigadier General Shukri's escorts.

Major General Al-Maliki conveyed the condolences and sympathy of the Coalition leadership to the families of the martyrs and wished a speedy recovery for the injured.

Al-Maliki emphasized that the Coalition will strike with an "iron fist" anyone attempting to compromise the security and stability of the capital, Aden, and the liberated governorates, or those seeking to undermine unity. He also urged the Yemeni government and military and security agencies to demonstrate solidarity and set aside differences to thwart subversive schemes targeting Yemeni society.

The spokesman concluded by affirming the Coalition's continued provision of steadfast support to the Yemeni security and military forces in combating terrorism, draining its intellectual and financial sources, and pursuing all those involved in this criminal act until they are brought to justice.

Sources indicated that the blast caused partial damage to several vehicles in the vicinity of the site; however, confirmed reports regarding human casualties remain unconfirmed at this time.

Following the incident, security apparatuses immediately cordoned off the explosion site and commenced investigative procedures to ascertain the circumstances of the attack and identify the responsible party, amidst heightened security alerts across the area.

This targeted attack occurs amid escalating security concerns within Aden and a recurrence of bombing and targeting incidents directed at military and security leaders, which continues to fuel public apprehension regarding the overall security situation in the city.

The sources informed the "Khobar" agency that the Houthi militia bears full legal and moral responsibility for the safety of detainees held in its facilities, highlighting what they described as an escalation of violations against abductees in recent periods.

According to the sources, the engineer, identified as Al-Qabati, was subjected to excessive psychological and physical torture during interrogation sessions, isolation in solitary confinement, and was repeatedly denied visitation rights, which severely deteriorated his physical and mental health.

It was further noted that the Iran-backed militia has recently intensified restrictions on detainees, including issuing execution orders through the specialized criminal court under its control. These actions are interpreted as a deliberate attempt to undermine the prisoner exchange agreement brokered in mid-December with the internationally recognized Yemeni government in Muscat, Oman.

Human rights organizations have called upon the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, Hans Grundberg, and international and humanitarian bodies to pressure the Houthi militia to cease the alleged abuses against detainees and secure their unconditional release. They asserted that utilizing humanitarian files for leverage constitutes a "grave violation of international humanitarian law."

This incident follows the announcement in mid-December by the delegation of the internationally recognized Yemeni government that an agreement had been reached with the Houthi militia to release approximately 2,900 detainees from both sides, concluding a round of humanitarian consultations hosted in Muscat under the auspices of the UN Envoy.

Local sources confirmed that Sheikh Murshid Yahya Hammoud Tale' reportedly succumbed to gunfire in the village of Al-Hira, in the Harf Sufyan district. The assailants are believed to belong to the Dhu Shali tribe.

The incident is strongly suspected to stem from long-standing tribal disputes between the Dhu Shali and Al Tale families. These conflicts frequently revolve around contested tribal boundaries, land ownership, grazing rights, or unresolved blood feuds that resurface following any new confrontation between the involved parties.

The deceased individual has been identified as the brother of Adnan Yahya Tale, who serves as the social supervisor for the Houthi militia apparatus in the Al-Dhale governorate, according to the reporting sources.

The Harf Sufyan district in Amran has experienced a significant escalation in murders and general security breaches since the Houthi militia assumed control. The security apparatus affiliated with the group has proven incapable of containing these tribal conflicts or effectively imposing order, thereby exacerbating the state of chaos and threatening communal stability in the region.

Academic sources reported that the militia carried out, on Sunday, a live combat drill and a forced march involving a number of academics and administrative staff at Ibb University, who had previously undergone ideological and military training courses over recent months.

The sources added that participants were compelled to carry out a foot march before being taken back to a militia-run training ground, where they were forced to conduct practical exercises on the use of weapons, in addition to simulating military confrontations involving light and medium weapons.

The sources noted that these courses are an extension of earlier theoretical and practical indoctrination programs imposed on academics and administrative staff, as part of a systematic plan aimed at turning educational institutions into tools serving the militia’s military and sectarian agenda.

According to informed sources, participants in these courses receive intensive training in the use of light and medium weapons, including Kalashnikov rifles, RPG launchers, and 12.7 mm machine guns, as well as training in sniping, storming positions, crossing checkpoints, and ground crawling.

Over the past two years, the Houthi militia has increasingly transformed public and private universities in areas under its control into platforms for spreading its sectarian ideology, while forcing academics, employees, and students to undergo ideological and combat training—constituting a flagrant violation of the sanctity of educational institutions and their academic mission.

Political sources reported that armed groups stormed the area surrounding Abu Ras’s residence and enforced a blockade preventing entry and exit, without providing any justification.

GPC leaders, speaking to Khabar Agency, described the Houthi behavior as “a blatant violation of all red lines and a direct assault on political activity and the sanctity of homes.”

They stressed that this move reveals the widening crackdown carried out by the Iran-backed Houthi militia against leaders and members of the General People’s Congress, as well as its systematic targeting of various political parties amid escalating abuses against its opponents and those who reject its repressive policies.

Political sources added that the siege on Abu Ras’s home is part of the militia’s broader approach of crushing any space for independent political activity within its areas of control, sending intimidating messages to party leaders and reflecting the nature of the security regime it is attempting to impose by force.

This escalation comes as the Houthi militia continues to detain Sheikh Ghazi Ahmed Al-Ahwal, the GPC Secretary-General, who was abducted on August 20, 2025, from central Sana’a. The group refuses to disclose his fate to this day, despite local and international calls demanding his release or allowing his family to know his legal and health status.

Al-Ahwal’s abduction took place one day after the GPC announced the cancellation of its celebrations marking the 43rd anniversary of its founding, scheduled for the same month.

According to a local source, the group heavily stationed its forces in the Hadda and Al-Jiraf neighborhoods and around the Presidential Palace, setting up additional checkpoints and conducting thorough inspections of vehicles and pedestrians as part of efforts to tighten its security grip over the capital.

The source added that the unexpected deployment caused noticeable congestion and confusion in the streets, fueling residents’ fears of possible manhunts or arbitrary abductions.

The source told Khabar Agency that the militia began, weeks ago, transporting large quantities of weapons to Al-Sabra Mountain, which overlooks the city of Taiz, after previously digging tunnels in the mountains of Al-Hazm, Dhi Al-Sharq, and Al-Humayra.

He noted that Al-Sabra Mountain now hosts a Katyusha launch platform and depots for heavy arms, under strict security measures that even prevent shepherds from approaching the area. He confirmed that what is known as the Al-Hamra region has effectively been turned into a closed military zone.

The source warned that indicators on the ground point to an imminent explosion of the situation, stressing the urgent need for media and human-rights attention to these developments, which threaten civilians’ lives and risk turning peaceful villages into potential frontlines.

He called on all media outlets and both local and international organizations to act immediately to halt these violations and the military escalation in densely populated areas, holding the militia fully responsible for any upcoming escalation.

According to a senior security source involved in the operation, the seizure followed precise surveillance and tracking of the suspicious vessel as it tried to infiltrate Yemeni territorial waters. Eight individuals on board were detained, and the vessel along with its cargo was impounded for further legal procedures.

Initial investigations indicated that the ship had departed from Iran’s Bandar Abbas port and was linked to a senior Houthi commander, underscoring Tehran’s continued support for the group through specialized maritime smuggling networks.

A thorough inspection revealed an empty concealed storage area believed to have previously contained a weapons shipment offloaded at sea and transferred to smaller Houthi-operated boats.

Among the seized materials were a Kornet anti-tank missile, drone components including operational units, military-grade engines, and precision control cables.

The vessel also carried eight boxes of Iranian-manufactured medicine produced by CinnaGen, including Pectuna® Pertuzumab 420 mg / 14 mL—a cancer treatment drug—along with food and consumer goods from the Iranian brand Kahnoosh.

The source described the operation as a major blow to Iranian smuggling networks supplying the Houthis with weapons and equipment via sea routes, affirming that the joint security forces in Al-Sabihah will continue their mission to safeguard the coast, combat smuggling, and strengthen security and stability in the region.

According to the Houthi-run Saba news agency, al-Ghamari was killed along with his son Hussein and several bodyguards in what the group described as “American-Zionist aggression,” without specifying the exact location or timing of the strike.

The announcement comes days after Israeli media reports suggested an assassination attempt targeted al-Ghamari during a secret meeting in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. Israel’s public broadcaster said he had been critically wounded in that operation.

Al-Ghamari, believed to be around 50 years old, was regarded as one of the Houthis’ top military strategists and the de facto commander of the group’s forces overseeing combat operations across multiple fronts.

He was appointed Chief of Staff in 2016 and was subsequently promoted to the rank of Major General by the group.

His reported death raises fresh questions about the fate of the Houthis’ senior leadership amid an escalation in strikes that have recently targeted the group’s top commanders.

         The Iranian-backed militia has escalated its campaign of persecution and abductions targeting activists, UN workers, and civilians, sparking widespread outrage on social media and demands for information about the fate of those abducted.Human rights organizations condemned the ongoing abductions carried out by the militia against civilians, stressing that targeting social figures and relatives of national symbols constitutes a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law.These organizations called on the UN envoy to Yemen and international bodies to take responsibility and pressure the Houthis to halt these repeated violations and ensure the immediate release of all abductees.

He branded the Houthis as heirs of the “backward clerical rule” and vowed their defeat, saying Yemenis who overthrew the imamate could do so again to “regain freedom and dignity.”

His fiery remarks, broadcast by his Yemen Today TV channel, came weeks after a Houthi court sentenced him to death, confiscated his assets and forced the group’s loyalists inside the General People’s Congress party (GPC) in Sanaa to strip him of his post as deputy party leader.

Analysts said the moves underscored the Houthis’ unease over his symbolic weight inside the party his father founded, and may have prompted his public challenge.

In his speech, Saleh evoked both the Sept. 26 revolution and the December 2017 uprising led by his late father against the Houthis, portraying them as one continuous struggle. He called for a “national rescue project” to unite anti-Houthi forces.

The address also carried regional messages. Saleh thanked Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Oman for supporting Yemen in its “darkest times,” stressing that the country could not rise in isolation from its Arab neighbors and allies.

Local and human rights sources told "Khabar" Agency that the militia abducted journalist Auras Al-Iryani in the captive capital, Sana'a, after he publicly criticized the anniversary of the Houthi coup, as part of a series of persecutions targeting opposing voices. The sources indicated that the fate of the abductees remains unknown amid a deliberate media blackout by the Houthi authorities.

The sources confirmed that the abductions were particularly concentrated in Sana'a and Ibb, coinciding with a heavy deployment of armed militants in the streets and raid campaigns on the homes of activists and citizens who participated in popular calls to celebrate the September Revolution. These steps represent an attempt to quell any popular mass movement opposing the group's sectarian project.

Activists believe the Houthi escalation reflects a state of terror over the expanding scope of public anger, as the September 26 Revolution is seen as the founding revolution that overthrew the Imamate rule, while the group today seeks to reproduce it by imposing a hereditary authority through the force of arms.

In the same context, human rights organizations have warned against the continuation of the Houthi repression campaign targeting freedom of the press and expression, pointing out that targeting journalists is evidence of the group's rejection of any independent voice. They demanded the immediate release of all abductees and an end to the policy of muzzling voices practiced against Yemenis.

Observers believe that the Yemeni people's insistence on commemorating the anniversary of the September 26 Revolution represents an explicit challenge to the Houthi project and a clear message that the people adhere to their republic and the values of freedom, and will not accept the return of Imamate rule in any form or under any new name.

Security forces said they are continuing raids on homes where additional suspects are believed to be hiding and vowed to keep the operation underway "until all perpetrators are brought to justice, without exception."

Al-Mashahri's killing on Thursday drew widespread condemnation and was described by critics as a "field execution," particularly amid reports she had received direct threats from the assailant.

According to the Health Ministry, 77 people were killed in the northern Gaza Strip, the area hardest hit by the bombardment and the most densely packed with displaced families.

Witnesses described “unbearable scenes” as Israeli airstrikes struck tents sheltering displaced people, residential buildings and towers, and crowds of civilians waiting for aid. Inside hospitals, the scenes were even more harrowing: families searching through rows of bodies for loved ones, while doctors and paramedics struggled with scarce supplies to treat the wounded.

Since October 7, 2023, the total death toll has reached 65,062, most of them women and children, while injuries have climbed to 165,697, according to medical sources. Thousands are still believed to be trapped under the rubble.

Since Israel broke the ceasefire on March 18, at least 12,511 Palestinians have been killed and more than 53,000 wounded.

The Health Ministry also said strikes on crowds gathered for aid distribution have killed 2,500 people and injured more than 18,000. Hospitals reported four more deaths in the past 24 hours due to hunger and malnutrition, bringing the total to 432, including 146 children.

The United Nations said the latest attacks forced more than 40,000 people to flee in just two days. UN Secretary-General spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric warned the situation in Gaza was “deteriorating by the hour,” adding: “The roads are filled with displaced people, hunger is spreading, and children are suffering deep psychological trauma.”

He said nearly 200,000 people have been displaced since mid-August, most of them women, children and the elderly, walking for hours in search of safety. The UN Population Fund warned that thousands of women are giving birth in the streets without medical care or clean water, with an estimated 23,000 women lacking essential healthcare and around 15 babies being born every week without medical assistance.

The source told Khabar Agency that intelligence operatives confiscated all phones, laptop computers, and other electronic devices from the ministers' homes, including those belonging to women and children. This was done under the pretext of investigating the presence of "intelligence elements" within the families of government leaders working for Israel.

Al-Rahwi and nine other ministers, in addition to the Director of the Presidency Office and the Secretary of the Council, were killed on August 28 last month in an Israeli airstrike that targeted the government meeting headquarters in Sana'a.

The source indicated that these developments occur within the context of an escalating power struggle among first-tier factions within the Iran-backed militia. Each faction is exchanging accusations of treason and espionage, amid growing rejection by some leaders of assigning ministerial portfolios to figures not belonging to the Houthi lineage or from outside provinces controlled by the group.

The source affirmed that this campaign reveals the depth of the trust crisis within the militia's structure and its transformation into an arena for internal conflict, where major incidents are exploited to settle scores and entrench racism.

A security source confirmed to Khabar Agency that an armed force belonging to the Houthi Security and Intelligence Apparatus stormed the UNICEF office in Sana'a, assaulted its staff, and then kidnapped the Deputy Director of the organization, Luna Shukri (Jordanian nationality), transporting her to the Apparatus' headquarters amid a continued severe siege on the building .

According to sources, UNICEF security officer Othman Al-Jalal was beaten by militia elements for refusing to allow them entry, while other employees were interrogated under coercion .

Simultaneously, the militia launched a campaign targeting other UN organization compounds, including the World Food Programme (WFP), where they arrested a number of its employees, including Ghanem Al-Asri and Ammar Nasser Al-Nakhai, further intensifying international community fears regarding escalating violations against humanitarian workers .

Human rights sources mentioned that these developments occurred amidst a series of repeated violations against international organizations by the Houthi militia, which included raiding headquarters and kidnapping local and foreign staff. This threatens to obstruct humanitarian relief activities in Yemen and exposes workers' lives to serious dangers .

A local source told Khabar Agency that this crime was committed by elements of a Houthi security checkpoint located at the entrance of the Thuluth Market in the Lower Wesab District.

The source stated that this checkpoint practices "thuggery and oppression" against travelers and citizens, where they tortured Al-Azraq to death and dumped his body before the perpetrators fled.

According to eyewitnesses, the body of the citizen, identified as Abdulmalek Al-Azraq, was found dumped near Al-Quds Medical Hospital after he had passed away.

The source noted that residents of the area fear filing any complaints, and that this checkpoint remains operational despite the removal of most other security checkpoints in the region.

Israeli media outlets, citing a military source, reported that the strikes focused on a military complex near the presidential palace, a fuel storage site, and government energy facilities controlled by the militia. They noted that the attack occurred less than an hour after the Israeli army announced the interception of a missile launched by the Houthis toward Israel, carrying a cluster warhead—a first of its kind .

According to local sources, the airstrikes targeted over 15 scattered locations within Sanaa, causing panic among residents and damaging infrastructure and populated areas . Reuters, citing eyewitnesses, reported hearing successive explosions near the presidential complex and sites believed to be missile bases, amid heightened security and military alertness in the city .

Conversely, military sources indicated that the Houthi militia, under the direct supervision of Iranian experts, continues to launch missiles toward Israeli targets intermittently without causing direct casualties. In response, Tel Aviv carries out large-scale airstrikes that often target vital Yemeni facilities and infrastructure .

The sources confirmed that the Israeli strikes have not yet targeted prominent leaders of the group but have caused significant losses to critical installations, including ports, airports, power stations, and cement factories. This has led to mutual accusations of pursuing a scorched-earth policy at the expense of civilians .

Informed sources told "Khabar" agency that the recruits, who had previously joined its ranks in Saada province, collectively left their military positions in protest of deliberate neglect and poor treatment, in addition to not receiving their financial entitlements for many months.

The sources confirmed that the protesters raised slogans demanding improved conditions inside the camps and the payment of their overdue salaries, considering that the continued ignorance of their demands by the militia's leadership doubles the suffering of them and their families.

The vigil did not last long, as military and intelligence forces affiliated with the Houthi militia hurried to Sabeen Square, surrounded the protesters, and arrested them by force, before transporting them to a security prison in the Hadda area, south of Sana'a.

The sources explained that the operation was carried out under the direct supervision of Houthi security leaders in the security and intelligence apparatus, in an attempt to prevent any similar movements within their ranks.

**A Systematic Policy of Suppression**

Human rights reports indicate that what happened in Sana'a is not an exceptional case, but rather part of a series of repressive measures pursued by the Houthi militia against its elements, especially those demanding financial rights or objecting to their conditions inside the camps.

Previous reports spoke of arrest campaigns carried out by the militia in other provinces, which included recruits who refused to participate in combat fronts or complained of neglect.

Security sources mentioned that the increase in these movements reflects a growing state of dissatisfaction among Houthi fighters, whom the militia lured with false promises of salaries and care, only to find themselves in harsh humanitarian conditions.

The sources confirm that the continuation of these conditions may lead to more splits and silent rebellions, which places the militia before unprecedented internal challenges.

In the meantime Israeli media reported that Hizyaz power station had been hit the Israeli navy.

At least two explosions were heard earlier in Sanaa, residents said while Houthi-run Al Masirah TV said that the power station was hit by an “aggression,” knocking some of its generators out of service.

Teams were able to contain a resulting fire, Al Masirah reported,

The United States and the UK have also previously launched attacks against the Houthis in Yemen.

Media reports from May 6 and a post on the Israel Defense Forces' official X account say Yemen's capital Sanaa was hit by a series of airstrikes that targeted infrastructure including power stations. Among the sites struck was Hizyaz power plant.

In May also , the US announced a surprise deal with the Houthis where it agreed to stop a bombing campaign against them in return for an end to the group’s attacks on shipping in the Red Sea, though the Houthis said the deal did not include sparing Israel.

#### **Key Incidents Exposing Systematic Abductions**

1. **Twin Sisters Abducted and Imprisoned in Underground Pit**

- A woman and her daughter recently lured two sisters into their home, restrained them, and hid them in a concealed pit. Relatives tracked the girls and rescued them under **shocking conditions**. Photos of the victims beside the pit circulated widely on social media, sparking public outrage and exposing what locals call a "**well-organized gang**" .

2. **New Disappearances Amid Security Inaction**

- **Tariq Bander Ali Ahmed Obaid** (aged 12) vanished on August 9, 2025, after leaving his home in Qahar Alley. His family reported the case to Houthi-controlled police, but no investigation followed.

- **Layla Salah Mohammed Saleh Al-Askari** (aged 13) disappeared from Al-Askari village nearly two weeks ago, last seen wearing a black abaya and red shirt. Her fate remains unknown .

3. **Foiled Abduction Attempts**

- On August 9, 2025, a woman and accomplices attempted to abduct a young girl. Her brother intervened and saved her. Security forces ignored the incident despite CCTV evidence .

#### **Houthi-Linked Abductions: Broader Patterns**

- **Targeting Families for Political Coercion**:

Houthi militias abducted **Sayed (16) and Ali (15)**, sons of detained teacher **Mohammed Hussein Ali Naji**, to pressure him into recording false "confessions" denying Houthi abuses. The boys were jailed alongside their father in Jahran Security Prison .

- **Nationwide Campaigns Against Dissent**:

Arbitrary arrests have escalated in Houthi-held areas like **Taiz** and **Ibb**, targeting educators, activists, and families. Teachers resisting Houthi-imposed curricula face kidnappings, home sieges, and threats .

- **Security Apparatus Complicity**:

Rights groups document collusion between Houthi officials and trafficking rings. Families reporting disappearances face extortion (e.g., demands for 700 Saudi Riyals) and deliberate police stalling. One father described a staged "recovery" of his child as unconvincing, suggesting official involvement .

#### **Houthi Responses: Silencing Victims and Stifling Justice**

- **Threats and Censorship**:

Families of detainees are forced into silence, threatened with withheld releases if they speak to media or share information online .

- **Systematic Cover-Ups**:

Rights defender **Moeen Al-Sayyadi** condemns Houthi authorities for "**obscuring cases**" and blocking court referrals to protect complicit security supervisors .

#### **Appeals for International Action**

- Local NGOs like **Masawa for Rights and Freedoms** demand unconditional release of abducted children and prosecution of perpetrators .

- Al-Sayyadi urges global bodies to intervene: "**Houthi complicity enables traffickers** targeting children and girls. Without pressure, networks will expand" .

 **The Smuggling Network**

According to **video and audio-recorded confessions**, the network consists of **seven operatives**, four of whom received **direct training and supervision in Iran**:

1. **Amer Ahmed Yahya Masawi**

2. **Ali Ahmed Abdo Qusayr**

3. **Issa Ahmed Abdo Qusayr**

4. **Abdullah Mohammed Maqbool Afifi**

They participated in smuggling multiple shipments from **Bandar Abbas Port (Iran)** to **Al-Salif Port (Hodeidah, Yemen)**, including **high-risk chemical materials**, as well as operations involving an **Iranian "boat"** off the **Somali coast**.

The other three operatives—**Mohammed Abdo Talhi, Mohammed Suleiman Mazjaji, and Ashraf Bakri Ahmed Zain Abdullah**—were active in a **separate smuggling route via Djibouti**.

 **Recruitment and Training**

The accused disclosed that the **Houthi militia recruited them**, exploiting their financial hardships. They were transported via **flights from Sana’a Airport to Jordan**, then to **Lebanon**, where **Hezbollah** facilitated their transfer to **Syria** and onward to **Tehran**. An **alternative route** passed through **Oman**.

In Iran, they underwent **training camps** supervised by IRGC commander **"Mohammed Jafar Al-Talabi"**, followed by deployment to smaller camps in **Bandar Abbas**.

 **Three Smuggling Routes**

1. **Direct Route**: Bandar Abbas → Al-Salif Port (Yemen).

2. **Somali Route**: Using IRGC-operated boats near Somali waters.

3. **Commercial Cover Route**: Via Djibouti under the guise of trade.

 **High-Tech Smuggling Tactics**

The crew admitted to smuggling **temperature-controlled refrigeration containers** carrying sensitive chemicals like **hydrazine and liquid nitrogen**. The **latest seized shipment** (their **12th operation**) was disguised as **industrial equipment** (generators, transformers, air pumps) but contained:

- **Dismantled missiles**

- **Drones**

- **Air defense systems**

- **Radars**

- **Strategic weapons falsely claimed by the Houthis as "locally produced"**

 **Evading International Patrols**

The smugglers revealed that their ships **faced no interception by international naval patrols**, avoiding surveillance in the **Bab el-Mandeb Strait** by navigating **night routes west of the international corridor near Eritrean waters**.

 **Houthi Commanders Named**

The confessions identified key Houthi leaders managing smuggling operations in Hodeidah:

- **Hussein Hamed Hamza Mohsen Al-Attas**

- **Mohammed Darham Qassim Al-Moayad** (aka "Ibrahim Al-Moayad")

- **Yahya Mohammed Hassan Qassim Al-Iraqi** (aka "Yahya Jinnah")

- **Faisal Ahmed Ghalib Al-Hamzi**

- Accomplices: **Iyad Mohammed Omar Maqbool Atini, Wael Mohammed Saeed Abdulwadoud, Omar Ahmed Omar Hajj**

 **Mocking Houthi Claims**

In their final statements, the crew **mocked the Houthis’ claims of "domestic military manufacturing"**, confirming that **all smuggled weapons originated directly from Iran or its proxies in Somalia and Djibouti**.

The memo, dated August 6, 2025, and addressed to the Executive Unit for Displaced Persons Camp Management, stated that the program had distributed large quantities of spoiled flour exceeding 1,000 bags before inspection teams intervened and seized the remaining shipment.

The document confirmed that this incident was not the first of its kind, warning against the continued distribution of supplies without ensuring their fitness for human consumption.

The memo emphasized the need to adhere to approved protocols, which stipulate that no food items should be distributed before verifying their safety, while also demanding compensation for affected individuals.

Additionally, the attached inspection reports revealed irregularities in the suitability of warehouses designated for storing relief supplies, raising concerns about the quality of future shipments.

Activist Abdulqader Al-Kharraz, who published the document on his Facebook page, questioned the measures the Executive Unit would take regarding this scandal. He also inquired about the authorities’ readiness to hold the UN program and those responsible accountable—whether through legal action or merely replacing the damaged supplies—and the role of the Etlaf Al-Khair Foundation, WFP’s local partner, in storage and distribution operations.

Meanwhile, activists on social media circulated videos documenting the damaged condition of the distributed supplies, further intensifying criticism of the UN program.

For their part, human rights advocates and observers argued that failing to hold those involved accountable for distributing spoiled food equates to complicity in what they described as "ongoing humanitarian crimes" against displaced persons. They called for a transparent investigation and guarantees that such violations—which threaten the health and lives of citizens—would not be repeated.

Sources told *Khabar Agency* that Houthi militants abducted Sultan Al-Amdah, nicknamed "Al-Zubaidi," an Islamic education teacher.

According to the sources, the Houthi militia has been conducting this kidnapping campaign in the governorate since late last month, amid the absence of any intervention by human rights or international organizations to curb these violations.

In recent hours, the Houthis kidnapped three teachers, including a school principal, across the Habeesh, Al-Qafr, and As-Sayani districts of Ibb.

The sources confirmed that the militia abducted Mohammed Othman Majli, the principal of a school in As-Sayani District, and took him to an undisclosed location. They also reported the kidnapping of educator Hamoud Ahmed Ghalab from Al-Qafr District, who was transferred to the Political Security Prison in Ibb city, the governorate’s capital.

Over the past week, the Houthis have kidnapped more than 10 teachers from various districts of Ibb as part of their latest campaign, which primarily targets educators, doctors, and lawyers.

Since late May, the Houthi militia has launched a large-scale kidnapping operation across most of Ibb’s districts, detaining dozens of civilians, including doctors, lawyers, educators, and community leaders.

### **"Training Courses" as a Cover**

Educational sources informed *Khabar Agency* that dozens of teachers and prominent youth from As-Suddah and An-Nadirah districts, among others, have been abducted by the Houthis. However, the militia claims to families that the detainees are attending "sectarian training courses."

Educators condemned the Houthi militia’s campaign, emphasizing that it compounds years of unpaid salaries and suffering. They stressed that the victims have no political or ideological involvement, yet the Houthis forcibly impose sectarian indoctrination on them.

### **List of Prominent Detainees**

Sources named key detainees from As-Suddah and An-Nadirah districts as of late last month:

- Mr. Mohammed Razzaq Al-Khubari

- Mr. Najeeb Hizam Al-Hanshali

- Mr. Nu’man Mohammed Musleh Al-Amari

- Mr. Razzaq Al-Lahbi

- Mr. Yahya Saleh Naji Al-Dajnah

- Mr. Sinan Abdu Mansur Al-Gharasi

Approximately 40 abductees from the two districts remain in Houthi prisons as of last month. While some names have been circulated, families of others refrain from disclosure due to fear and intimidation by the militia.

a Yemeni source opposed to the Iran-backed Houthi movement told AP, “While Gaza has two million people, the Houthis impose a siege on 20 million in Yemen. This hunger is not collateral damage — it’s a deliberate tool for control and extortion.”

since the Houthis seized large swaths of territory from Yemen’s internationally recognized government in 2014, the country has been devastated by conflict involving a Saudi-led coalition. Although a ceasefire was brokered in April 2022, fighting resumed late last year after the Houthis joined hostilities against Israel, further worsening the humanitarian disaster.

between 2014 and 2018, aid group Save the Children estimated that roughly 85,000 children died from severe malnutrition without treatment. “Since then, reliable data is scarce because the Houthis restrict aid operations,” the source said.

uNICEF’s August 2024 report warned of a “critical” rise in malnutrition in government-held areas, particularly along the western coast near Houthi-controlled zones. According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), cases of severe malnutrition among children under five in these areas increased by 34% from 2023. Over 600,000 children are affected, including 120,000 with acute malnutrition. Some 223,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women were also severely malnourished last year.

despite the widespread suffering in their territories, Houthi leaders rarely acknowledge the crisis. In recent speeches, Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi condemned the international community’s response to hunger in Gaza but has remained silent on Yemen’s internal famine.

Aid groups accuse the Houthis of deliberately blocking humanitarian aid and diverting supplies for their own use. “The Houthis turn international aid into a source of funding for their war effort by stealing supplies and imposing taxes on imports,” the Yemeni source said. “This has left millions vulnerable to starvation and disease.”

the Houthis also use hunger as punishment against tribes that resist their authority and forcibly recruit fighters, including children, exploiting Yemen’s ongoing conflicts and the war in Gaza. “This is the greatest humanitarian tragedy of our time, fueled by a political decision to destabilize Yemen and make it an Iranian proxy,” the source said. “The international community must act now to prevent food from becoming a weapon of war.”

Humanitarian organizations warn that funding for Yemen’s relief efforts is critically low. A coalition of 116 aid groups recently reported that Yemen’s 2025 humanitarian program is funded at less than 10%, severely limiting aid delivery. The situation is compounded by the detention of UN and aid workers by the Houthis, with some dying in custody.

doctors and hospital staff report that infighting and corruption within Houthi-controlled institutions are crippling healthcare amid disease outbreaks. “We are losing staff to arbitrary dismissals, and pro-Houthi cronies replace trained professionals,” said a Yemeni medical worker speaking on condition of anonymity. “This will worsen an already catastrophic health situation.”

the Norwegian Refugee Council estimates 15 million Yemenis lack sufficient access to clean water, deepening the crisis.

Meanwhile, Houthi officials have threatened to escalate naval attacks on ships linked to Israeli ports. “We warn all companies cooperating with Israeli ports to stop, or their vessels will be attacked wherever we can reach,” said Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree.

As Yemen’s millions face starvation, disease, and displacement, this crisis remains largely ignored internationally, overshadowed by other global conflicts despite its catastrophic scale.

The sources told *Khabar* that tensions flared between Ali Hussein al-Houthi (nephew of the group’s leader), head of the "Community Police," and senior official Abdulhakim al-Khaywani, chief of the Security and Intelligence apparatus. The campaign reportedly targeted a faction within the security apparatus directly linked to al-Khaywani, in what appears to be an attempt to undermine his authority and fracture cohesion within the group’s security agencies.

The sources added that the arrests were conducted without prior coordination with the Security and Intelligence leadership, provoking al-Khaywani’s anger. He implicitly accused "Community Police" leaders of seeking to create divisions within security agencies and seize control of decision-making levers in Sana'a.

While the militia has not officially commented on the disputes, developments point to a growing power struggle among the group’s security factions, amid conflicting and escalating field operations in the capital.

Notably, the "Community Police," led by Ali Hussein al-Houthi, is one of the militia’s newly established arms in recent years. It carries out controversial monitoring tasks and field interventions, while al-Khaywani remains one of the most influential security figures within the group’s intelligence institutions.

Local sources told *Khabar Agency* that the Houthi militant carried out the crime after returning from a sectarian indoctrination course organized by the militia. These courses target new recruits, brainwashing them with extremist and sectarian ideologies—often inciting hostility even toward their own relatives and community members.

According to the sources, the assailant murdered his uncle inside his home, then attempted to leave the scene as if nothing had happened. When bystanders intervened to stop him, he opened fire, killing six of them one by one before fleeing to an unknown location.

Tribal sources speculate that the perpetrator may have sought protection from powerful figures within the militia, which routinely covers up such crimes. The Houthis often exploit perpetrators by sending them to frontlines as disposable combatants.

Tribal sources in multiple governorates confirmed that since their coup against the Yemeni state in September 2014, the Iran-backed Houthi militia has relied on brainwashing recruits through sectarian training before deploying them to battlefronts.

The militia also recruits ex-convicts and prisoners, especially those convicted of murder, subjecting them to sectarian indoctrination. Some are then smuggled out of prisons or released through tribal mediations that pressure victims’ families to "pardon" the killers in the name of "God’s will." For these prisoners, such deals are a welcome alternative to incarceration.

Local sources revealed that the security operation, led by Ali Hussein al-Houthi (son of the militia's founder), targeted military personnel affiliated with the group, as well as humanitarian workers. The fate of the abductees and their whereabouts remain shrouded in secrecy.  

These developments come amid rising internal tensions and deepening divisions within Houthi ranks, fueling fears of an internal purge under the pretext of security measures.  

The campaign coincided with a recent media escalation by the group, including warnings of alleged "sedition plots" led by what they called "domestic agents." Militia leader Abdulmalik al-Houthi promoted these claims, threatening to pursue those he labeled as "traitors collaborating with the Israeli enemy."

According to confirmed sources, Al-Tawsili—considered one of the most dangerous commanders of the group in the region—was killed during an armed confrontation in the "Ard Al-Ghaseel" area of Hatib district on Friday evening. The clashes erupted after suspicious movements by terrorist elements attempting to infiltrate near Yemeni military positions were detected.  

Social media accounts linked to the terrorist organization's media apparatus published a eulogy, referring to him as the "Emir of Masna'ah," implicitly acknowledging the loss of one of Al-Qaeda’s most significant leaders in southern Yemen.  

Al-Tawsili’s death marks another blow in a series of recent setbacks for Al-Qaeda in Yemen, which have included the elimination of key leaders in Shabwa, Abyan, and even Marib. Some operations were carried out through precise security measures by local forces, while others involved U.S. airstrikes targeting the group’s hideouts and training camps.

The campaign has affected the districts of Sharab, Damt Khadir, and Mawiyah, where school administrations were compelled to force students and teachers to chant the Houthi "Scream" slogan daily during morning assemblies. The militia requires video evidence of this practice to be submitted to its controlled education offices, alongside daily compliance reports.  

Additionally, the militia has mandated the compulsory teaching of sectarian pamphlets, threatening punitive measures against resisting administrators and educators. A school principal in Sharab reported that many schools received these materials and began teaching them under duress, while others faced arrest for refusal.  

A document issued by the Houthi-controlled Taiz Education Office reveals explicit orders enforcing the daily chanting of the sectarian slogan—with video documentation—and warns of penalties for non-compliant schools.  

Educational sources confirmed that months earlier, the militia forced dozens of principals and teachers to travel to Sana’a for 20-day indoctrination sessions focused on Hussein al-Houthi’s ideology and concepts of "al-Wilayah" (guardianship), unrelated to actual pedagogy. Absence from these sessions is deemed "hostile" by the militia, risking dismissal or imprisonment. The Houthi "Preventive Security" apparatus oversees these measures and leads arrest campaigns.  

In Damt Khadir, Mawiyah, and Sharab, multiple teachers, principals, and Quran instructors have been abducted and taken to unknown locations. Sources caution that disclosing their identities could worsen their conditions in detention, despite ongoing community mediation efforts to secure their release.  

These violations are part of a broader Houthi security escalation in areas under their control, where over 70 individuals—mostly educators and mosque preachers—were abducted within two weeks.

Local sources reported that the victim had been missing for several days before investigations revealed that the culprits lured him to a gang member’s home, murdered him, and decapitated him in a horrific manner.

The sources added that the head was buried in a courtyard in the "Al-Ashash" area, while the hand was buried in the "Al-Bilili" neighborhood. The rest of the body was concealed under a layer of concrete inside one of the killers’ homes to destroy evidence.

The motives for the crime are believed to involve stealing the victim’s automatic rifle, pistol, phone, and cash. Investigations are ongoing to uncover further details.

Earlier, the hijacked capital witnessed a similar incident where a young woman was murdered and her body grotesquely mutilated in Old Sana’a, sparking panic among residents.

Heinous crimes against civilians in Sana’a and Houthi-controlled areas have surged since the militia looted public employees’ salaries for the tenth consecutive year. Widespread poverty, rampant criminal gangs, and the absence of law enforcement—amid collapsing incomes—have fueled the violence.

During a press conference held in Al-Makha, Taiz Governorate, Brigadier General Sadeq Dowaid, the spokesperson for the National Resistance, stated that the seizure followed precise intelligence tracking. He emphasized that the nature of the confiscated weapons reflects an advanced level of Iranian military support for the militia.  

Dowaid explained that the shipment included components for 12 missiles, including naval, surface-to-surface, and air defense missiles, as well as anti-tank weapons, with some parts still under analysis.  

According to Brigadier Dowaid, the shipment contained warheads and parts for the naval missile **"Qader-380"**, with a range of up to 1,000 km, as well as three components of an air defense missile called **"Taer-3"** (which the Houthis refer to as **"Barq-3"**), with a range of 100–200 km and an altitude reach of 27 km. He noted that these missiles are among Iran’s latest models, and their smuggling attempt serves as official confirmation that Iran is supplying its most advanced weapons to the Houthi militias.  

The shipment also included parts for the Iranian **"Ghadir"** missile (dubbed **"Mundab-2"** by the Houthis, with a 300 km range), components of the **"Saqr-358"** anti-aircraft missile (called **"Saqr-2"** by the Houthis), short-range **"Strela-2"** air defense missiles, the **"Fin Stabilizer"** acoustic missile (referred to as **"Palestine-2"** by the Houthis), and the winged cruise missile **"Ya Ali"** (which the Houthis call **"Sajil"**).  

Additionally, the shipment contained **"Sumar-10"** missile engines (with a 1,000 km range, labeled **"Quds"** by the Houthis), parts and devices for the **"Qassem"** surface-to-surface missile, the **"Dahlawiya"** anti-tank missile (range: 5–5.5 km), and missile guidance systems.  

The shipment also included Iranian suicide drones (**"Meraj-532"**, range: 500 km), **"FPT"** reconnaissance drones, multi-power drone engines, thermal and laser cameras for drone detection, a chemical substance analyzer, a **"B-10"** anti-tank gun, parts of **"AM-50"** sniper rifles, scopes, military training simulation equipment, and various small arms and ammunition.  

Dowaid further revealed the seizure of an Israeli-made **"SILVER BULLET"** espionage device, designed to extract data and spy on citizens’ private information, along with miniature spy cameras, a lie detector, and a computer loaded with multiple applications.  

He indicated that the shipment was concealed within civilian electrical equipment and that preliminary investigations with the ship’s crew confirmed this was the **13th arms shipment** smuggled from Iran to the Houthis via a network overseen by a senior Houthi operative, **Muhammad Ahmad Al-Talabi** (alias **"Abu Jaafar Al-Talabi"**).  

The military spokesperson warned that repeated arms smuggling attempts highlight the Houthis' growing role as Iran’s primary proxy in the region, particularly as Tehran’s regional allies lose influence. He also cautioned about intelligence suggesting the militia’s efforts—with Iranian collaboration—to develop **biological weapons**, posing a regional and international threat.  

The press conference saw extensive media coverage, with around 50 local, Arab, and international outlets in attendance.  

The National Resistance had previously announced intercepting the **largest strategic arms shipment** (weighing 750 tons) in the Red Sea, all destined to kill Yemenis and threaten international maritime security.

According to activist Abdulqader Al-Kharraz, field monitoring revealed that the flights included four planes designated for transporting humanitarian organization staff, as well as a medical evacuation aircraft. Notably, the list also featured two Boeing 727 cargo planes, estimated to have carried around 40.2 tons of shipments daily—equivalent to over 1,200 tons monthly of uninspected materials.  

Interestingly, these flights were not listed in the UN Humanitarian Air Service (UNHAS) schedule, which recorded only one flight that day. This has heightened concerns about a parallel air channel operating outside international oversight.  

These developments have led activists on social media to raise serious questions: Is arms smuggling to the Houthis now being conducted by air under UN cover, with Iranian-Omani-Qatari sponsorship? This comes after the Yemeni Coast Guard, affiliated with the Joint Forces on the West Coast, tightened maritime surveillance and intercepted the largest arms shipment destined for the militia in recent weeks—forcing the group to seek alternative routes.  

The unusual air activity coincided with a formal protest from Houthi Foreign Minister Jamal Amer, who demanded that the UN halt the international inspection mechanism in Djibouti, following increased crackdowns on maritime smuggling operations.  

Observers warn that these flights could open the door to smuggling weapons and military experts under the guise of "humanitarian missions," which would enhance the militia’s combat capabilities, escalate the conflict, and undermine the credibility of humanitarian work in Yemen.  

Critics have also slammed the internationally recognized Yemeni government for its silence on these suspicious movements, calling it a grave failure in its oversight and diplomatic role within international forums. This inaction, they argue, has allowed the militia to freely bolster its military capabilities under a humanitarian pretext.

WASHINGTON — Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is designating two individuals and five entities that profit through money laundering and importing petroleum products into territory controlled by Ansarallah, commonly known as the Houthis.  The Iran-backed Houthis gain hundreds of millions of dollars annually by working with Yemeni businessmen to tax petroleum imports, generating critical revenue that funds the Houthis’ destabilizing activities in the region.

Today’s action targets a network of individuals and their companies located across Yemen and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) who are among the most significant importers of petroleum products and money launderers that benefit the Houthis.  

“The Houthis collaborate with opportunistic businessmen to reap enormous profits from the importation of petroleum products and to enable the group’s access to the international financial system,” said Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Michael Faulkender.  “These networks of shady businesses underpin the Houthis’ terrorist machine, and Treasury will use all tools at its disposal to disrupt these schemes.”

Today’s action is being taken pursuant to the counterterrorism authority Executive Order (E.O.) 13224, as amended, and builds on a series of OFAC actions targeting Houthi revenue generation and weapons procurement over the past year, including on June 17, 2024, July 31, 2024, October 2, 2024, December 19, 2024, March 5, 2025, April 2, 2025, April 28, 2025, and June 20, 2025.  The U.S. Department of State designated Ansarallah, commonly known as the Houthis, as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) on February 16, 2024, and subsequently re-designated the group as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) on March 5, 2025.

HOUTHI PETROLEUM AND FUEL COMPANIES

The Houthis work with privately owned companies to ensure continued shipments of petroleum products into areas they control in Yemen. Once in Yemen, the Houthis profit even further by controlling the selling price of these petroleum products to the Yemeni people, typically at a significant markup. 

Muhammad Al-Sunaydar (Al-Sunaydar), who manages a network of petroleum companies between Yemen and the United Arab Emirates, is one of the most prominent petroleum importers in Yemen.  Al-Sunaydar manages Arkan Mars Petroleum Company for Oil Products Imports (Arkan Mars), which has an agreement with the Houthis to import gas and oil, including Iranian petroleum products, for the terrorist group through the Houthi-controlled Hudaydah and Ras Isa ports in Yemen.  As of June 2025, Iranian-affiliated companies were involved in facilitating payments between the Iranian government and Houthi-affiliated oil companies, including Arkan Mars. 

As a part of Al-Sunaydar’s network, Arkan Mars Petroleum DMCC and Arkan Mars Petroleum FZE are UAE-based companies associated with Arkan Mars that have been involved in exporting oil to Yemen. All three of the Arkan Mars companies coordinated the delivery of approximately $12 million dollars’ worth of Iranian petroleum products with the Persian Gulf Petrochemical Industry Commercial Company (PGPICC) to the Houthis via Ras Isa port in Yemen.  PGPICC was designated by OFAC pursuant to E.O. 13382 for being owned or controlled by Persian Gulf Petrochemical Industry Co. (PGPIC).  PGPIC was itself designated pursuant to E.O. 13382 that same day for having provided financial support to Khatam al-Anbiya, the engineering conglomerate of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).   

Yahya Mohammed Al Wazir launders and raises money for the Houthis.  Between November and December 2024, Al-Saida Stone for Trading and Agencies (Al-Saida) spent approximately six million euros across five payments to purchase bulk coal, presumably to import into Yemen. Al-Saida’s public advertisement of itself as a stationery wholesaler in Sana’a, Yemen is at odds with repeated large volume payments for coal and is typical of the behaviors of a front company. 

Amran Cement Factory is a Houthi-controlled entity that has been providing the terrorist group with money laundering and earning capabilities.  In addition, as of March 2025, the Houthis have directed production of cement from Amran Cement Factory to the mountainous Saada region in northern Yemen as part of a larger Houthi effort to develop and fortify military, weapons storage, and ammunitions caches. 

Muhammad Al-Sunaydar, Arkan Mars Petroleum Company for Oil Products Imports, Arkan Mars Petroleum DMCC, Arkan Mars Petroleum FZE, Yahya Mohammed Al Wazir, Al-Saida Stone for Trading and Agencies, and Amran Cement Factory are being designated pursuant to E.O. 13224, as amended, for having materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for, or goods or services to or in support of, the Houthis. 

SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS

As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the designated or blocked persons described above that are in the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons are blocked and must be reported to OFAC.  In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, individually or in the aggregate, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked.  Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of blocked persons. 

Violations of U.S. sanctions may result in the imposition of civil or criminal penalties on U.S. and foreign persons.  OFAC may impose civil penalties for sanctions violations on a strict liability basis.  OFAC’s Economic Sanctions Enforcement Guidelines provide more information regarding OFAC’s enforcement of U.S. economic sanctions.  In addition, financial institutions and other persons may risk exposure to sanctions for engaging in certain transactions or activities involving designated or otherwise blocked persons.  The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any designated or blocked person, or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person. 

Furthermore, engaging in certain transactions involving the persons designated today may risk the imposition of secondary sanctions on participating foreign financial institutions.  OFAC can prohibit or impose strict conditions on opening or maintaining, in the United States, a correspondent account or a payable-through account of a foreign financial institution that knowingly conducts or facilitates any significant transaction on behalf of a person who is designated pursuant to the relevant authority.

The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List (SDN List), but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law.  The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish, but to bring about a positive change in behavior.  For information concerning the process for seeking removal from an OFAC list, including the SDN List, or to submit a request, please refer to OFAC’s guidance on Filing a Petition for Removal from an OFAC List.

A security source told *Khabar Agency* that the abductions included dozens of supervisors accused of failing to carry out orders. Meanwhile, observers believe the campaign has political and security dimensions aimed at restructuring the Houthi leadership hierarchy and eliminating rival factions within the group.  

According to the source, the abductions were carried out in complete secrecy by the militia’s Preventive Security Apparatus, which has become the most prominent security arm of the group’s leadership in tracking and monitoring its field elements.  

This campaign is the widest of its kind since the Houthi terrorist militia seized control of the capital, Sana'a, in September 2014. It points to growing fractures within the militia’s cohesion due to escalating disputes over influence and resources, particularly amid declining financial capabilities and increasing popular pressure in areas under their control.  

Analysts suggest such measures could signal a redrawing of the power map within the group, potentially leading to waves of defections or internal rebellion—especially as discontent grows among field operatives toward the top leadership.

A recent report issued by WFP showed that the prevalence of severe food deprivation (poor food consumption) rose to 39 percent in May. All governorates of Yemen exceeded the “very high” threshold (≥20 percent) for poor food consumption, with peaks recorded in Ad Dali', Al Jawf, Amran, Lahj, and Hajjah governorates.

Key drivers of food insecurity in Yemen, according to WFP report,  include worsening economic challenges, substantial reductions in humanitarian assistance gaps caused by funding shortages, limited livelihood activities, localized conflict, and the delayed and insufficient rainfall.

WFP assisted an estimated 1.2 million people across its activities in Yemen in June.1,2 in areas under the internationally recognized Government of Yemen (IRG).

In areas under the Houthi rebels WFP is preparing to complete the second cycle of the targeted emergency food assistance (TEFA) programme, which was suspended in April 2025. Distributions are planned to start in late July to 803,000 people across 25 districts.

WFP report added that Severe funding reductions have hampered it’s ability to sustain food assistance at adequate levels considering the rapidly deteriorating food security situation in Yemen, and that is conducting a beneficiary re-targeting and registration exercise.

In a statement, the military media of the National Resistance reported that the operation took place on **June 27**, resulting in the seizure of a smuggling vessel named **"Al-Sharwa."** The ship was carrying a massive shipment of advanced weapons, estimated at **750 tons**, sent by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards to their proxy, the Houthi militia in Yemen.  

The statement added that the confiscated weapons included:  

- **Air defense and missile systems** (naval and aerial)  

- **Attack and reconnaissance drones**  

- **Advanced radar systems**  

- **Launching systems**  

- **Eavesdropping devices**  

- **Konkurs anti-tank missiles**  

- **B10 cannons**  

- **Advanced sniper rifles**  

- **Tracking lenses**  

- **Large quantities of ammunition** (including Kalashnikov and "Shiki" rounds) and other military equipment.  

The Resistance emphasized that this smuggling operation exposes **Iran’s ongoing scheme to arm the terrorist Houthi militia**, debunking the group’s claims of having "domestic military manufacturing capabilities." It also reveals the extent of the threat posed by the Iranian regime to **international navigation in the Red Sea** through its armed proxies.  

The statement noted that the weapons were **tightly concealed**: strategic systems were disassembled and hidden inside **electric generators and industrial machinery**, while ammunition was stashed within **large battery compartments** to mislead maritime surveillance units.  

The military media detailed that the operation began with **precise intelligence tracking** of a suspicious vessel departing from the **coast of the Horn of Africa**, operated by smugglers linked to the Houthi militia. Naval forces of the Resistance then intercepted the ship **west of the international maritime route in the Red Sea**, towing it to a secure area where the cargo was unloaded and documented.  

The National Resistance stated that it would soon release **confessions from the ship’s crew** and broadcast footage showing samples of the seized weapons and equipment.

According to Brigadier General Tariq, the confiscated shipment is estimated at around **750 tons** of diverse military equipment and weapons, including:

- **Naval and aerial missile systems**

- **Air defense systems**

- **Advanced radar systems**

- **Drones (UAVs)**

- **Eavesdropping devices**

- **Anti-tank missiles**

- **B-10 artillery guns**

- **Targeting scopes**

- **Sniper rifles and assorted ammunition**

The Vice President emphasized that these weapons expose the extent of **Iran’s military support** to the Houthi group, further debunking the militia’s claims of possessing **domestic arms manufacturing capabilities**.

He noted that **National Resistance Forces intelligence agencies** intercepted the shipment while it was being delivered to the militia, confirming that **arms smuggling attempts to the group persist**.

Brigadier General Tariq stressed that these developments highlight the **ongoing threat** posed by smuggling operations to **Yemen’s security and stability**, though no further details were provided regarding the **location or timing** of the seizure.

In an official statement, the bank clarified that this move coincides with the militia’s announcement of its intent to introduce this counterfeit currency in its areas of influence on Wednesday, July 16, less than 72 hours after issuing a new 50-riyal coin. This, the bank stressed, exposes the militia’s systematic intent to fatally undermine Yemen’s financial and economic system.  

The bank affirmed that these actions are an extension of the Houthi militia’s policy of looting and counterfeiting, aimed at financing its illegal financial networks and shell institutions, which operate without monetary cover or legitimacy. This has led to the uncontrolled injection of trillions in local currency and billions in foreign currencies, devoid of proper banking oversight or regulation.  

The statement described these reckless measures as evidence of the militia’s severe economic vulnerability and its desperate attempts to delay an imminent financial collapse through illicit means. It warned that such policies could trigger widespread public backlash due to the destruction of Yemenis’ livelihoods and the plundering of their savings.  

The Central Bank urged all citizens, financial and banking institutions, and exchange companies to refrain from handling these counterfeit notes in any form or accepting them in financial settlements, as they are issued by an illegitimate entity classified as terrorist. Dealing with such currency, the bank cautioned, exposes violators to legal accountability and penalties under relevant local and international laws.  

The statement noted that the Aden-based Central Bank had worked in recent years to keep financial and banking channels open with Houthi-controlled areas, in coordination with allied and friendly nations, to ensure continued financial services for citizens there. However, the militia’s insistence on sabotaging the monetary system threatens these efforts and risks triggering international sanctions.  

The bank concluded by holding the Houthi militia fully responsible—legally and financially—for its economic crimes and their catastrophic repercussions on citizens, institutions, and Yemen’s relations with regional and international financial systems.

The seizure occurred near the international shipping corridor, according to the official X account of the resistance forces.

The 1st Marine Division, supported by military intelligence, carried out the operation after receiving prior intelligence information about the vessel.

A patrol team boarded the ship and escorted it to a secure location for inspection.

The inspection uncovered anti-tank munitions, RPG launchers, sniper rifles, and a large quantity of machine gun belts packed in bags.

The crew was detained, and an investigation is underway to determine the origin and intended destination of the weapons.

According to the UNHCR report, the aid reached 45,842 internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, and host community members, in addition to 6,100 refugees.

A further 480 individuals received emergency cash support to help them cope with sudden crises such as displacement or loss of shelter.

“This assistance empowers families to meet their needs with dignity and reduces reliance on negative coping mechanisms like child labor or early marriage,” the agency stated.

Yemen currently hosts approximately 60,911 refugees and asylum seekers, primarily from Somalia and Ethiopia, alongside 4.8 million IDPs and over 335,000 returnees, according to UN data.

The cash aid program is part of a broader UN strategy to provide flexible, life-saving support that allows recipients to prioritize their most urgent needs—whether food, shelter, medicine, or education